Additional investigations have found that black suspects are more likely to be manhandled, pushed to the ground, handcuffed, threatened, or pushed against a wall during a police interaction than their white counterparts. New analysis shows startling levels of discrimination against Black transgender people. “There’s much more openness to the idea of concrete change among police departments,” says Joel Dvoskin, PhD, ABPP, a clinical and forensic psychologist and past president of APA’s Div. In one variation, the subject expected to administer the shocks witnessed two confederates refusing to do so. Thirty-five percent of police officers are killed by a black offender. In-group/out-group dynamics are also variables between the police and subjugated communities. The authors of the study conjecture, “The disparities in our data are consistent with selective de-policing, where officers are less likely to fatally shoot Black civilians for fear of public and legal reprisals.”, Before proceeding further, it’s important to emphasize caution on over-interpreting the anti-white findings of recent scholarship. 2020, with its pandemic and its protests, was many things to many people: a hardship for those who lost homes, livelihoods and people they loved … The sudden conformity produced by an availability cascade can result in reflexive demands for urgent government action without any proper discussion or consideration of trade-offs, consequences, or even necessity. “These videos will keep coming,” warns Sam Harris, “And the truth is, they could probably be matched two for one with videos of white people being killed by cops.” But why aren’t they? Summary On the evening of June 4, 2020, about 300 people marched peacefully through Mott Haven, a low-income neighborhood in New York City’s … 18 (Psychologists in Public Service). of data on the extent of police misconduct, brutality, and corruption. University of New Mexico social psychologist Tania Reynolds speaks with Jonathan Kay about Nature Communications‘ questionable decision to retract a controversial article, the intrusion of ideology into scholarship about... Jonathan Kay talks to colleague Toby Young about the fine line between journalism and activism, the politics of censorship, and his start-up year at the Free Speech Union. Investigations into alleged police misconduct are obviously important, but not when conducted in response to the histrionic demands of uninformed activists. You were under the impression this meant I was saying all minority leaders.This is obviously not true and not a very good reading of what was said. Although there are no national level statistics on the extent of police deviance, it is likely that virtually every police department has witnessed some type of police corruption or scandal (Kappeler et al. Indeed, the results from the famous (infamous?) It’s us against them, and they are dangerous. Informational cascades and reputational cascades feed into and reinforce one another—both increase the number of people publicly confessing to a belief and thereby exert more influence on others to conform. There is no indication that the authorities are investigating the thousands of well-documented reports of police brutality and torture filed since mid-August or the killings of protesters. As part of an effort to quantify racial bias in police killings, a 2016 study in the journal Injury found that black Americans are not more likely to be injured or killed by police than white Americans during traffic stops. Stop law enforcement violence against women of color & trans people of color! Each officer must be prepared for the worst case scenario, which encourages this us against them mentality. As a consensus emerges, the burden of justifying one’s beliefs falls on those who dissent from the prevailing orthodoxy, and as the prevalence of a belief grows, the costs of dissent increase causing a snowballing effect of preference falsification (publicly lying about what one really believes). Black Americans are seven times more likely to commit murder as white Americans, and the majority of murders and robberies in the United States are carried out by black Americans even though they are a minority. For example, the media pays a disproportionate amount of attention to deaths in tornados and accidents of all kinds compared to deaths by diseases such as asthma or diabetes. When a female Chicago police officer was beaten by a black man in 2016, she was asked in hospital by her superintendent why she didn’t draw her weapon and defend herself when she could have done so. Hudson mentions his organization, the National Association of Law Enforcement Officers for Justice, Reform and Accountability as one such group of the virtuous fifteen. 1998; McCafferty, Souryal, and McCafferty 1998). The list of political prisoners continues to grow and contains more than 100 names. A snowballing effect then occurs as the validity of a belief increases along with the number of believers. “There’s so much we don’t know,” says author Sam Harris in a recent podcast, “And yet, most people are behaving as though every important question was answered a long time ago.” Harris, known for his staunch atheism and critique of faith-based religion, asks some troubling questions about the Black Lives Matter movement by pointing out that it disguises empirically fragile claims with absolute conviction and then stonewalls any attempt to examine the evidence: “Like most religious awakenings, the movement does not show itself eager to make honest contact with reality.”. If the disproportionate media attention paid to tornadoes makes them seem hundreds of times more dangerous than they actually are, what are we to expect from the massive amount of media coverage devoted to black deaths at the hands of law enforcement? In Sunstein and Kuran’s framework, public figures may constitute a lucrative availability market due to their increased sensitivity to the reputational cascade. “She looked at me and said she thought she was going to die, and she knew that she should shoot this guy. As hysteria rises and people everywhere become alarmed or pretend to be alarmed by whatever the imagined crisis is about, Sunstein and Kuran point out that historically the media systematically suppresses reasoned commentary by experts in the relevant field and may even give more attention to “gimmicks” that further inflame panic. The death of George Floyd in May, circulated in a bystander’s excruciating video clip, reignited furious and sometimes violent protests demanding reforms to address police brutality against ethnic minorities. Each entry is organized by city, and most contain a link to a … “Cancel Culture” Isn’t Ideological Conformity—It’s Accountability Conformity and Police Brutality. The racial connotations of this in-group/out-group system in the United States only exacerbates the problem as police profile potential criminals based on melanin characteristics. Historical examples of panics caused by the media and public amplifying one another include epidemics of diseases, epidemics of drug use, and environmental scares. People asked where "defund the police" came from. Lewis Coser, National Association of Law Enforcement Officers for Justice, Police brutality, Race, Reform and Accountability, Sociology, Stanley Milgram. It found that most investigations are followed by a reduction in levels of crime, but with one important exception. Fifteen percent of officers will abuse their authority at every opportunity. Researchers have also turned their attention to shootings, in particular. Fryer has observed that, “A single bullet—which weighs about .02 pounds and is 10mm long—can end a life, erase a pension, or change the image of those who are sworn to serve and protect.” On the back of an earlier study that found unarmed blacks are at higher risk of a police shooting than unarmed whites, Fryer and his team came up with a more complete dataset and used an innovative methodology of comparing police interactions in which no shots were fired to those in which there were. 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